This post is following up on a post and story that can be found by clicking here regarding the N.C. Legislative Black Caucus Foundation.
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Click here for a story from today's paper regarding a call for the foundation to open its books.
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I've been getting coached up on some of the State Board of Elections new online toys. One, that has behaved kind of clunky for me, lets you search for individual donations to and from PACs. After more than one person walking me through it, I've finally been able to get something useful out of the system.
So in fiddling with this thing today, I've discovered a bunch of contributions that the SBOE has coded as going to the "NC LEGISLATIVE BLACK CAUCUS" and other similar names. I have to assume that this is the Black Caucus foundation because the caucus' PAC has not been active since 1992. In fact, there are two letters (here and here) that speak to that point pretty directly. They are correspondence with former state Rep. Phil Baddour's campaign committee.
In other words, if the black caucus PAC was getting money, it was operating outside the law. And the donations I've found are consistent with contributions to the foundation, so let's just assume no one should be going to jail for failing to report hundreds of campaign contributions right at the moment.
Click here for one MS Excel spreadsheet and then click here for another. They show contributions to the black caucus foundation since 2000 that the SBOE database was willing to spit out last night. There could be more that I'm not capturing in either of my search methods. (In fact, I think I've picked up bits and pieces not in either of those sheets, but I'll leave them be for the moment.)
Now remember, the fuss here is that individuals, corporations and interest groups with axes to grind at the general assembly can give contributions to a nonprofit associated with a group of legislators pretty much undetected. And I strongly suspect that the folks who were smart enough to use money that didn't come from a campaign account were giving bigger dollars.
At any rate, some details and comments on the money sources found in that MS Excel file:
- The N.C. Beer and Wine Wholesalers, last contribution = $1,500 in 2005. If the name doesn't give it away, these folks keep a sharp eye on the state's alcohol laws, including how beer and wine are taxed. Their name has come up in connection to the ongoing investigation linked to former House Speaker Jim Black and co-speaker Richard Morgan. Bonus tidbit: They're campaign finance entry called this a "political contribution."
- Hackney for House, last contribution = $180 in 2003. This is the campaign committee for House Speaker Joe Hackney, who won his post this year over a challenge from former Speaker Dan Blue.
- NC Realtors PAC, last contribution = $1,000 in 2006. Being involved in real estate, the realtors have interest in everything from property taxes to deeds regulations. They are currently involved in an interesting campaign to kill proposed transfer taxes.
- NC Amusement Machine Association PAC, last contribution = $3,000 in 2004. This was the lobby for the video poker machine industry, which fought and fought to stay alive. They're due to be completely outlawed on July 1.
- Piedmont Triad Anesthesia PAC, last contribution = $500 in 2005. This is an anesthesiologist PAC. These doctors were in a running legislative battle with nurse anesthetists at the time. Background here.
- Committee to Elect Jim Black, last contribution = $1,000 in 2005. Former House Speaker Jim Black often turned to support among the Black Caucus to get legislation passed. Black is now facing jail time for accepting bribes from chiropractors.
Other big name names on the list include Sen. Kay Hagan of Greensboro, Ely Lilly, Gov. Mike Easley, Insurance Commissioner Jim Long and the state Democratic Party.
Now, is there anything wrong with any of these folks giving to the caucus foundation?
Nope, not in the least.
But did all those donations very definitely happen in a political context?
Yup, pretty much.
And there's the rub. If those donations are being given to influence legislators, even just buy good will, then I can line up a panel of campaign finance experts who will tell you that the public ought to know about them.
And the $10,000 question remains: who was giving - and maybe gaining influence - that we still don't know about?