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Wednesday's lead editorial.

If North Carolina wants a clear policy for admitting illegal immigrants to community colleges and UNC institutions, the legislature needs to write it soon. All is confusion now.

The past week has seen this baffling series of events:

• The N.C. Attorney General’s Office advised the state community college system to reverse its six-month-old directive that “colleges should immediately begin admitting undocumented individuals.”

• Gov. Mike Easley urged community colleges to keep enrolling illegal immigrants anyway.
• Both candidates for governor, Democrat Bev Perdue and Republican Pat McCrory, said they disagree with Easley and the community college policy.

• The U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency contradicted the attorney general’s advice, saying federal law doesn’t prevent states from admitting illegal immigrants from public colleges and universities.

• The community college system announced it would follow the attorney general’s advice and, beginning immediately, “no longer admit individuals classified as illegal or undocumented immigrants into curriculum degree programs.”

This fast-paced zig-zag traces the nation’s convoluted thinking about immigration. People cross the border illegally to find work, and a U.S. Supreme Court ruling says their children are entitled to free public education through 12th grade. Some states have decided it makes sense to allow those who qualify academically to continue their education in public colleges and universities, enabling them to find more meaningful employment and become contributors to society ... except that employers technically aren’t supposed to hire undocumented immigrants.
The community college system waded into this stew, but only up to its ankles. It counted no more than 112 undocumented curriculum-degree students enrolled in its 58 colleges this year, and all pay tuition at the out-of-state rate. Certainly, many more would follow if they were permitted, but that won’t happen without further legal review or a vigorous public debate.

JB Kelly, the general counsel who wrote the advisory letter on behalf of N.C. Attorney General Roy Cooper, admitted some questions about the application of federal law are unsettled. But in an interview Monday, he expressed certainty that the state legislature has full authority to enact an open-door policy in regard to immigration status for the UNC and community college systems.

There’s not much chance that Raleigh politicians will solve the immigration riddles that stump the best minds in Congress. The state can’t deport illegal immigrants or grant them legal status. It has no choice but to educate their children through high school. But it can decide whether to grant or deny them a path to public postsecondary education. It’s time to straighten out the zig-zag quandary on the enrollment question.

Tuesday's No. 2 editorial.

Legislative short sessions are supposed to be short on business. Yet that doesn’t mean the N.C. General Assembly can’t tackle a thing or two.

There are some issues that shouldn’t be too complicated or controversial for the small amount of time allotted to these sessions. One is legislation that would restore to Greensboro residents the right to use protest petitions.

All other residents of North Carolina cities can use these petitions to challenge land-use decisions. But the General Assembly took this option away from Greensboro residents in 1971, upon the City Council’s request. It needs to undo what it did.

Rep. Pricey Harrison has sponsored a bill that would do that. But for it to pass, the Guilford delegation must back it. With unanimous support, the bill would go forward, as other legislators would defer to what the county’s delegation wanted for this local bill.

One potential problem, though, is the action, or, rather, inaction, of the Greensboro City Council. It did not include restoration of the protest petition in its requests to the legislature.
It can be argued that the Guilford delegation shouldn’t act without a request by the council. But shouldn’t the widespread outpouring of citizen support in Greensboro for the protest petition, from individuals and neighborhood groups to the League of Women Voters, count for something?
The truth is the majority of Greensboro residents appear to support restoring the right to use protest petitions while only a few in the city’s development crowd oppose it. They argue that use of the petitions could impede growth.

Rep. Maggie Jeffus, who heads the Guilford delegation, hopes to convene its members Thursday to discuss the issue. We hope they decide to support Harrison’s bill, even without the City Council’s stamp of approval.

For 37 years, Greensboro residents have had to fight zoning decisions with one hand tied behind their back. There is no reason for residents to continue to be restrained this way for another year.

Tuesday's lead editorial.

Picture an elementary school where enrollment is 1,000 but classrooms hold only 750. In Guilford County, that doesn’t require much imagination.

In most circumstances, this overstuffed school scenario would put the extra 250 children in trailers. Eventually the school might be expanded or even replaced with a larger facility, but either option would cost millions of dollars.

There’s another way. The school could convert to a multi-track year-round schedule. This plan would divide the student body into four groups of 250 each and put them on a rotation of nine weeks in school and three weeks off, but staggered so that three groups are in and one is out at any given time.

There it is! Because a group of 250 students is always out for its three-week break, the school has room for the other 750. No more need for trailers, or an expensive expansion. Furthermore, the common areas — cafeteria, media center, bathrooms, gym, auditorium, playgrounds — are always one-fourth less crowded than they were before.

North Carolina’s fastest-growing school system, Wake County, adopted this multi-track year-round schedule for some of its schools several years ago to maximize classroom space, but not enough parents volunteered to send their children. So the school board assigned students, by the thousands. Several parents and an advocacy organization sued and won. A year ago, Superior Court Judge Howard Manning ruled the board is authorized by law to operate year-round schools only “on a voluntary consensual basis.”

Wrong, a panel of the N.C. Court of Appeals said unanimously last week. The General Assembly has given local school boards a “broad grant of authority,” the opinion written by Judge Martha Geer said. One relevant statute provides, about as clearly as it’s possible to express, that “the authority of each board of education in the matter of assignment of children to the public schools shall be full and complete, and its decision as to assignment of any child to any school shall be final.”

That’s coupled with the board’s further power to operate schools on a year-round schedule, the court said.

The only restraint on an elected board in setting policies like this, Geer wrote, citing an earlier Supreme Court ruling, “is at the ballot box.”

Year-round schools aren’t popular with everyone, and school board members who force them on families might be voted out of office. But, despite last week’s 55 percent support for $457 million in Guilford County school bonds, there are limits to the public’s ability to afford new and larger schools.

So, any means of finding more classroom space for children without new construction or more trailers must be considered. Last week’s court ruling assures school boards they have the authority to make assignments to year-round schools.

Really, that’s no more severe than the power they already use to put children in trailers or overcrowded schools. Can school leaders picture a better way?

What surprised you the most about Tuesday's primary?

Friday's lead editorial.

Even a high-tech powerhouse like Greensboro-based RF Micro isn’t immune from the mood swings of the global economy.

But whenever a high-profile corporate citizen lays off workers it’s noted with some trepidation. Memories of once rock-solid local textile giants disappearing at the cost of thousands of jobs still are fresh. Could history repeat itself?

On Tuesday, the microchip manufacturer announced significant layoffs for the second time in a month. Corporate restructuring eliminated 200 jobs in Greensboro for a total of 350 worldwide. That comes on the heels of 80 local jobs lost as part of a move to consolidate the company’s microchip testing in China.

Earlier this year, plans to expand a local plant and add jobs were put on hold after both the state and city had provided a tax-break package to seal the deal. Instead, a British subsidiary now will do the work.
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Strategic corporate refocusing can be painful, particularly for the loyal workers who get pink slips. Thousands of downsized Piedmont workers already have taken that uncertain path. But corporate managers have an obligation to concerned stockholders to sense market trends and respond proactively.

RF Micro, begun here in 1991, has grown from a handful of employees to nearly 5,000 people around the world. It is one of Greensboro’s largest with about 2,000 workers. The company makes a specialized type of microchip for cellular phones and high-performance radio systems.
However, a constantly changing world marketplace dictates frequent fine-tuning. Staying one step ahead of the competition is the best way to stave off more draconian measures in the future.

The good news is the latest cuts don’t portend the outsourcing of jobs to China, where many cellular manufacturers have plants. In the long run, hundreds of RF Micro jobs in Greensboro could be saved.

For certain, the global economy is a two-way street. While some jobs head overseas, foreign companies set up shop here. Unfortunately, it isn’t always a fair trade-off. Laid-off RF Micro workers, for example, may not be candidates for aviation-related jobs at HondaJet.

Yet, no matter where jobs originate, it’s important to convey the message to high-tech businesses that the Triad is a good place to locate.

Setbacks such as the RF Micro layoffs will happen from time to time, but there’s no turning back the clock. Companies geared to succeeding in the ever-expanding global economy will fare far better than the traditional manufacturing sector.

Friday's No. 2 editorial.

For Greensboro City Council members, listening to what people say is part of the job.
No matter what they say.

So a proposal to put a content restriction on public comments is not permissible, Jamiah K. Waterman, an attorney for the city, says in a memo to the council.

Councilman Zach Matheny wasn’t trying to muzzle anyone. He just suggested reserving the 30-minute comment period before each council meeting for people raising issues related to city business. People who wanted to talk about other things would have to wait until the end of the meetings.

The idea wasn’t without appeal. Some speakers try everyone’s patience by gabbing for their allotted three minutes about matters that interest no one or lie beyond the ability of the council to address.

Nevertheless, the council can’t restrict speech by its content, Waterman advised. Council meetings traditionally are considered public forums where citizens gather to address their elected representatives. In such settings, government is restricted in its ability to regulate speech.

Waterman pointed to another problem. The distinction between what is or isn’t city business “is an ambiguous and vague standard. Such a standard will give too much discretion to the council to determine who speaks and when.”

Exactly. The council itself, in the many resolutions it considers, probably stretches the definition of “city business” in some people’s judgment. It shouldn’t deny its constituents the same latitude.

The council can impose rules for its public comment periods, but restrictions applied with a time clock are fair and easy to enforce. The content of speech has to be left alone. The council should listen to its attorney.

Thursday's No. 2 editorial.

Barack Obama had good reason Tuesday to say, “Thank you, North Carolina.”

Voters in the state’s Democratic primary gave him a strong and possibly decisive victory over Hillary Clinton.

Will he repeat the line on Nov. 4?

If he does, other Democrats on the ballot might say, “Thank you, Barack Obama.”
The idea that Obama, if he secures his party’s nomination, could carry North Carolina isn’t as far-fetched as it seems considering Republican presidential candidates’ long winning streak here. John McCain, with his military record and appeal to moderates and independents, can do very well in North Carolina, but he’s got a math problem. More than three times as many people voted in the Democratic presidential primary Tuesday as in the Republican contest. How will McCain make up that difference? Even winning half of Hillary Clinton’s supporters won’t do it. He’ll also need to add an overwhelming majority of the likely general election voters who skipped the primaries.

Kay Hagan, the Democrats’ U.S. Senate candidate against Elizabeth Dole, expressed confidence in her party’s standard-bearer. “I’ll be running with the Democratic nominee,” she said Tuesday night.

North Carolina Democrats ran away from some past presidential candidates, including Walter Mondale, Michael Dukakis, John Kerry. If Obama heads the ticket, they’ll stick as close as they can to him because, unlike those others, he’s already shown he can draw North Carolina voters to the polls.

Tuesday’s primary mattered in the Democratic presidential nomination process. It also should be important enough to both parties in November for the candidates to put it on their campaign schedules.

Who ends up thanking whom will depend on whose voters turn out.

Thursday's lead editorial.

No one saw this one coming.

Even the most passionate supporters of the $412.3 million Guilford County school construction bond package that miraculously passed Tuesday seemed tempted to pinch themselves when it was over. We won?

Voters have blessed other school bonds in recent years, but this one had so much going against it:

• teetering local and national economies;

• a fistful of other bond projects that tugged on voters’ purse strings to the potential tune of more than $671 million — and that guaranteed sizable property tax increases;

• lack of faith among some in the school system’s ability to successfully manage construction projects.

• opposition from three black school board members who say the district has not met the needs of minority contractors and black students.

• opposition as well from the George Simkins Memorial PAC, which typically wields considerable influence in black voting precincts.

• the county commissioners’ decision to split the larger package of school bonds from a $45 million bond to help rebuild Eastern Guilford High School, which was destroyed by fire in November 2006. The premise was to remove any likelihood that “sympathy votes” for the Eastern bonds would boost the other school bonds, had they been combined on the ballot.
In the end, ironically, the general school bond package performed slightly better than the Eastern bonds, garnering 54.79 percent in “yes” votes versus 53.94 percent for Eastern.

Among likely reasons for this resounding — and utterly surprising — good news is the effective sales job school bond boosters did of communicating the various projects’ wide-ranging impact throughout the county. The bonds also enjoyed solid support from the business community, which has stepped up in recent years to invest in public education as an economic engine.
A local political consultant, Bill Burckley, also cites the high female turnout, arguing that female voters are more apt to favor bonds. Heavy doses of Democratic voters and new voters energized by the Obama-Clinton race probably helped as well.

As for the impact of opposition from the Simkins PAC and the black school board members, it appears negligible at best. The school bonds passed in most predominantly black precincts, nearly 58 percent in the district of one African American school board member, Deena Hayes.
So the bonds ultimately may have benefited from a confluence of good will and good fortune.
Now district leaders can breathe a sigh of relief and get on with making the overdue construction and renovation projects as efficient and cost-effective as possible.

This is an opportunity not only to build buildings, but to build trust as well.

Wednesday's lead editorial.

Weeks of anticipation ended abruptly Tuesday evening when television news networks declared North Carolina early for Barack Obama.

So early, in fact, that many voters were still waiting in lines at polling places well after the official closing time of 7:30. CNN, for one, didn’t wait.

An early call for the Illinois senator was appropriate. Obama’s campaign urged supporters to vote early, and many thousands did over the past two weeks. By the time polls showed Hillary Clinton catching up, it probably was too late. Obama’s win was practically in the books.

Until Tuesday, Clinton based her claim to the Democratic nomination on the strength of her success in large states. But she couldn’t hold form in the last Top Ten state on the primary schedule. Despite trailing in Indiana, Obama took a possibly decisive step ahead with his convincing win here.

The team of Hillary, Bill and Chelsea Clinton worked hard, making appearances almost everywhere in North Carolina, but Obama drew larger and more enthusiastic crowds and, more importantly, got out the vote.

The question now is whether he could wrest this reliably red state from the Republicans in November. It’s far too early to make that call, but he won so many more votes than did John McCain (in a noncompetitive GOP primary) that anything seems possible.

Schools rate a high priority
Anita Bachmann and other leaders of the school bonds campaign cheered as positive numbers continued to roll in at the Old Guilford County Courthouse Tuesday night.

Several commissioners fretted about the taxes needed to pay for them.

“This is an automatic property tax increase,” Chairman Kirk Perkins said. “But the people have spoken.”

Bachmann led a force of more than 200 volunteers who drummed up support throughout the county for a record $457 million for schools. Their efforts were driven by passion for their cause, said Bachmann, a regional vice president for UnitedHealthcare.

Despite hard economic times, voters answered responsibly, owning up to obvious needs for new and better school facilities. The result wasn’t a landslide, but it sends a clear message that schools remain a high priority — even at the price of higher taxes.

GTCC again prevails
Guilford County voters have never turned down a GTCC bond request. They kept the streak alive Tuesday by overwhelmingly approving a $79.5 million referendum that will fund projects vital to the school’s growth and the Triad’s economic future.

It means school officials can move ahead with their plans to build a $50.5 million campus near PTI Airport specializing in aviation and logistics, and to improve existing campuses.

A rapidly changing Triad economy underscores the urgency to retrain laid-off workers and provide classes for those entering the work force. GTCC excels on both counts.

The school, which is celebrating its 50th anniversary, now can forge ahead with its continuing commitment to have trained workers ready when potential employers call.

Voters were less charitable when it came to the $20.2 million county parks bond. Although it was the least costly item in the bond referendum, most apparently had qualms about such spending in a faltering economy.

Hagan gets back to work
Kay Hagan celebrated her victory in a familiar setting Tuesday night, but planned to get back to work today. “I’ll be on the phone raising money,” she said at the Old Guilford County Courthouse, a place where she’s watched election returns from several successful campaigns in the past.

This time the numbers gave her the Democratic nomination for U.S. Senate and a race against Republican Elizabeth Dole. The Greensboro resident and state senator has an uphill fight, but an impressive win against four other candidates increases her credibility and might convince national Democrats that an upset is possible. Still, it will take millions to match Dole’s likely campaign fund and overcome her other advantages.

Hagan’s primary didn’t attract much attention with so much interest in the presidential battle, but she should continue to do well as voters get to know her better. “They’re eager for a change in Washington,” she said.

And then there were twoState Treasurer Richard Moore had lots going for him in his bid for governor: a national profile as a crusader against Wall Street abuse, a sterling record as keeper of the state employee pension fund, and a head of hair that could give John Edwards a run for his money. But in the end, Lt. Gov. Beverly Perdue got the most votes and moves on as the Democratic nominee against the Republican nominee, Charlotte Mayor Pat McCrory, in November.

Moore had erased much of an early Perdue lead in the pre-election polls, with a series of full-throated (some would say cutthroat) attack ads. Perdue responded by pledging to withdraw her own attack ads and to go positive until the primary.

McCrory now faces two challenges: He is a Republican in a state that tends to elect Democratic governors and he is a big-city mayor who will have to make inroads among small-town voters.

But he also has worked well across party lines as a mayor, and could attract crossover votes from Democrats.

This should be a good race between two good choices for North Carolina voters.

The house BJ builtAs Guilford County Sheriff BJ Barnes sees it, it was the truth that set him free.
In a result that surprised even Barnes, county voters approved the $114.6 million jail bond Tuesday that will renovate and build an addition to the overcrowded Greensboro facility.
Given the soft economy, voters’ aversion to tax increases and the traditional tendency of electorates to not like paying for jails, this was a major upset.

But Barnes had mounted a full-court press. “It’s Your Decision: Our House or Yours” billboards suggested, rightly if not subtly, that crowded jails force early release of some offenders who might not otherwise be released. “The deal-closer was that some people are not feeling safe in their homes,” Barnes said.

Barnes had noted earlier on Election Night that jail bonds rarely pass, and he seemed resigned to a similar result here. “Ninety-eight percent of jail bonds across the country fail,” he said. “I was bucking the odds to expect to be in the 2 percent (that pass).”

Lo and behold, we were.

The jail victory is good news for all of the county. But those who push alternative programs to help reduce crime, drug addiction and jail crowding still need to be heard. A new jail without those kinds of programs to help address root causes of crime inevitably would become a house of cards.

Tuesday's editorial.

For weeks, Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton have treated North Carolina to the greatest political show on earth: an American presidential campaign. Even John McCain has gotten in on the act with an appearance in Charlotte Monday and a planned speech today at Wake Forest University.

For those of us not used to this much attention from presidential candidates, the experience has been exciting and entertaining. Despite record early voting, Primary Day turnout is expected to be enormous. The atmosphere at polling places will be electric.

The one problem is that so much energy drawn to the top of today’s ballot has cast state and local candidates and issues into the shadows of uncertainty. They deserve consideration, too — and they won’t run off to other states after today’s voting is done.

We’ve made recommendations regarding some of the important decisions voters face today. We’ll cover more in the general election, but today’s outcomes constitute the voters’ final answer in some. Here’s a recap:

U.S. Senate
Elizabeth Dole won this seat in 2002 and remains the leading lady of North Carolina Republicans. She’s a clear choice in her party’s primary.

Among five Democrats, state Sen. Kay Hagan from Greensboro is the only candidate who’s demonstrated two qualities: the ability to serve effectively in office, and the political experience to make a credible run against Dole.

Congress, 6th District
First elected in 1984, Greensboro Republican Howard Coble has no primary opposition, but three Democrats are competing for the right to challenge him in November. Best qualified is Greensboro physician Teresa Sue Bratton, whose top issue is creating a better health care system.

Congress, 13th District
For Democrats, Brad Miller of Raleigh is an easy choice over Derald Hafner. In three terms, Miller has become one of the most effective members of the state’s congressional delegation. Hugh Webster of Yanceyville is the lone Republican candidate.

Governor
The overriding issue is leadership. Voters should choose the candidates who promise smart, creative and effective management of state government. The next governor must put an end to closed-door, special-interest politics and work with members of both parties to get things done.
Among Republicans, that’s the successful seven-term mayor of Charlotte, Pat McCrory. He’s proved that partisanship yields when leaders put forward a unifying vision.

State Treasurer Richard Moore fits the bill for Democrats, although his overly aggressive campaign against Lt. Gov. Beverly Perdue warns of too much ambition and a streak of ruthlessness. Nevertheless, Moore has a record of impressive accomplishments.

State Senate, District 28
This Democrats-only contest matches Guilford County Commissioner Bruce Davis of High Point against incumbent Katie Dorsett of Greensboro. Experienced and respected, she gracefully and conscientiously represents a diverse district. Davis’ bid for her seat is premature.

State House District 61
Republicans own this district, where Laura Wiley of High Point has served with energy and intelligence for two terms. Jamestown resident George Ragsdale is promising but hasn’t made a convincing case for replacing Wiley.

County Commissioner, District 5
Republican voters can replace sometimes-wise, sometimes-wicked Billy Yow with steadier Rick Wallace, a former mayor of Pleasant Garden.

County Commissioner, District 8
Skip Alston too often wastes his considerable political talents pursuing racial conflicts. Veterans advocate Greg Woodard is untested but worth a try in this Democratic contest.

Bonds and sales-tax proposal
Guilford County voters decide costly but important proposals. Our view:
Parks and recreation bonds, $20.2 million, No. The projects are fine, but they aren’t necessities.
Jail bonds, $114.6 million, Yes. A new facility housing 1,000 prisoners is needed to supplement the outdated, overcrowded and unsafe jail in Greensboro.

School bonds, $412.3 million, Yes. The plan contains some nonessential items that the school board should revisit, but the reality is that more and better classroom space is required for a growing population of students.

GTCC bonds, $79.5 million, Yes. The community college is a key driver of economic development and the place where thousands go to learn new job skills. It must be equipped for a challenging future.

Eastern Guilford bonds, $45 million, Yes. This fulfills an obligation to rebuild the high school that was destroyed by fire in 2006.

Sales-tax increase, one-fourth cent, Yes. This funding option relieves pressure on the property tax.